Poor example of rationalization, i.e. 'Vox did poorly but they would have done better if they followed my public policy preferences'. Typical 'silent majority' theory.

It seems remarkably clear that people for whom climate change and abortion 'rights' are deal-breakers aren't prospective 'Far-Right' voters. I doubt that anyone out there really thinks: 'I'm Far-Right on everything except on abortion "rights" which are so important to me that they outweigh all of my other preferences combined such that I'll now have to vote for some other party with which I disagree with on practically everything else.'

Likewise, imagine someone reasoning: 'I'm Far-Right on everything, but climate change is so important to me that it outweighs everything else, so now I'm going to vote for [insert other party].'

Let's face the obvious fact here: Spain is just another of many (possibly all given time) countries lost to degeneracy. Spain is particularly egregious on feminism. Now, degenerates aren't going to vote for remoralization of any kind because they stand to lose from it, hence the constant fearmongering about the 'Far-Right' (codeword for 'revitalization' or 'those who might force us to be better people') coming from the Western media in this election. They do, however, benefit from further degeneration all round, since the more that all types of degeneracy are entrenched, the less likely that remoralization will ever target the types of degeneracy that they personally engage in. (Hence, for instance, the Left openly pushes for child trannies because this obviously helps to safeguard battles that they've already won on like homosexuality: those who otherwise might attack homosexuality are fully preoccupied with investing energy into child trannies, who are serving as a sort of 'shield' absorbing the impact from attacks that would otherwise be directed at less extreme degenerates.)

As for the actual results, people went back to the two-party duopoly. The main factor is that the almost defunct 'centrist' (but also centralist/anti-secessionist) Cs party's voters overwhelmingly went to PP because it is the closest to the Cs, with some going in the other direction to PSOE. One factor might be the departure of Cs leader Albert Rivera from politics, with Cs being a personalist, poorly institutionalized party going through the usual troubles that such groups go through when their leaders are gone.

Likewise, regional parties lost voters to the two-party duopoly. Those voters overwhelmingly would have gone back to PSOE, probably because of fears that the election would be too close for third-party voting to be a good idea. This is especially so because PSOE is also centralist/anti-secessionist, meaning that regional party voters can't trust that their third-party vote would lead to the PSOE+regional parties coalition that they otherwise desire, and thus settle with the hope of a PSOE majority government.

This would also explain the losses in Sumar's (Podemos plus some other loony-Left parties) voter share which, again, would also explain the rise in PSOE's voter share, except that it's scared Far-Left voters rather than scared regional Leftist voters who are fearing that a PSOE-dominated coalition is unlikely and therefore have settled with the hope of a PSOE majority.

Vox voters would have undergone the same reasoning but from the opposite direction. Seeing that Feijoo is dragging the PP to the Left, making the possibility of a PP-Vox coalition less and less likely, and yet preferring a PP majority over a PSOE majority, they have simply settled on the idea of giving PP a majority so as to avoid the problems that might come out of cobbling together a PP-run coalition. This was probably exacerbated by the fact that Feijoo keeps ruling out the possibility of a coalition with Vox, naturally driving into Vox voters the fear that if the PP doesn't get a majority it will mean a PSOE-dominated government.

In short, elections expected to be close lead people to re-embrace two-party duopolies. The end results are completely disastrous and unavoidably so. The regional parties won't support Feijoo and want a wildly disproportionate level of influence in return for supporting Sanchez. More than what he can give them. My final guess: Sanchez's position is weakened but he stays on as Prime Minister in charge of a highly chaotic minority government over which regional/secessionist parties have great influence. To reach 50%, Sanchez would need all of the following on side: Sumar, ERC, Junts, EH Bildu, and EAJ. That's practically impossible, since Sanchez continues to rule out the possibility of serious referendums on independence, and, if he allowed them, they would win. PSOE would go down in history as the party that destroyed Spain, and they are too centralist to accept that. But Junts is particularly insistent that it will not support anyone without a referendum. Meanwhile, Feijoo/PP have no path to 50% whatsoever. A new election also won't solve the problem unless more regional voters switch their vote to the two-party duopoly.