Communism, allegedly, is but it is anti-human if the state controls free movmenet and your ability to provide for yourself. Both systems, fascism and communism, put the state above the individual.

In the case of fascism, at least in Mussolini's view was:

“The National Council of Corporations:

• define Corporations as the instrument which, under the aegis of the State, carries out the complete organic and unitarian regulation of production with a view to the expansion of the wealth, political power, and well-being of the Italian people;

[This would be then against the individual; for good or bad.]

• declare that the number of Corporations to be formed for the main branches of production should, on principle, be adequate to meet the real needs of national economy;

• establish that the general staff of each Corporation shall include representatives of State administration, of the Fascist Party, of capital, of labour, and of experts;

• assign to the Corporations as their specific tasks: conciliation, consultations (compulsory on problems of major importance), and the promulgation, through the National Council of Corporations, of laws regulating the economic activities of the country;

• leave to the Grand Council of Fascism the decision on the further developments, of a constitutional and political order, which should result from the effective formation and practical working of the Corporations.“

Mussolini had this to say, make of it what you will (quoted from here (https://arplan.org/2020/02/21/mussolini-corporate-state/):

Start Quote

In my opinion Italy should remain a country of mixed economy, that is, a strong agricultural organisation at the root of everything (so true is this that the slight revival in industry witnessed of late is due, in the unanimous opinion of all who are acquainted with these matters, to the fairly good crops of the last years); a sound small and medium-sized industry; banks which do not speculate; a trade system fulfilling its proper task of supplying commodities rapidly and rationally to consumers.

The resolution I submitted yesterday evening outlined the Corporation as we intend and wish to create it, and also defined its purposes and aims. The Corporation, it says, is created with a view to increasing the wealth, political power, and well-being of the Italian people. These three objectives are conditional each on the other.

[...]

I should like to call your attention to the third objective expounded: the well-being of the Italian people. It is essential that the institutions we have set up should, at a given moment, be felt and perceived by the masses themselves as the means by which those masses may improve their standard of life.

At a given moment the worker, the tiller of the soil, must be able to say to himself and his family: “If I am actually better off today, I owe it to the institutions created by the Fascist Revolution.”

Poverty is inevitable in all national communities.

There is a percentage of people who live on the edge of society; but there are special institutions to look after them. That which ought really to distress our mind is the poverty of strong, capable men, vainly and feverishly seeking work.

It should be our wish to make the Italian workers – who interest us as Italians, as workers, and as Fascists – realise that we are setting up institutions not only to provide a form of expression for our doctrinal views, but in order that, in due course, they may yield positive, concrete, practical, and lasting results.

I shall not dwell on the conciliatory functions which the Corporations may exercise, and I see no drawback to the practice of their advisory powers. In point of fact, the various parties concerned are already being consulted whenever the Government must take measures of any importance.

If consultation were to be made compulsory for certain specified matters I should see no harm in it, for everything that brings the citizen into closer contact with the State, everything that draws the citizen within the machinery of the State, is useful to the social and national aims of Fascism.

Our State is not an absolute State, still less an absolutist State far removed from men and armed only with laws, inflexible as laws should be.

I feel certain that Italian bureaucracy, which is indeed admirable, will collaborate with the Corporations in future as it has done in the past, whenever this proves necessary to achieve a fruitful settlement of the problems at issue.

The interest of this Assembly has been retained by the point in our resolution which contemplates conferring legislative powers on the National Council of Corporations.

Somebody, putting the cart before the horse, has already spoken of the end of the existing Chamber of Deputies. Let us make this clear.

The legislature is now drawing to a close, and the present Chamber of Deputies will have to be dissolved.

But, as the few months still before us do not provide enough time in which to set up the new corporate organs, the next Chamber of Deputies will have to be appointed on the system adopted in 1929.

At a given moment, however, the Chamber of Deputies will have to decide of its own fate. Are there any Fascists here who want to weep at this suggestion?

If there are, let them know that we shall not dry their tears.

It is quite conceivable that a National Council of Corporations may replace in toto the present Chamber of Deputies. I have never liked the Chamber of Deputies. After all, the Chamber of Deputies is an anachronism unto its very name: it is an institution which we found in being but which is alien to our mentality and to our creed as Fascists.

The Chamber presumes the existence of a world we have overturned: it entails the plurality of parties and not infrequently the hold-up of ministerial activity. From the day upon which we annulled this plurality, the Chamber of Deputies lost the essential reason of its constitution.

Almost without exception Fascist deputies have lived up to their ideals, and we must infer that the blood running in their veins was very healthy if it was not poisoned by an atmosphere where everything breathes of the past.

But all this will take place in due course, for we have no haste. What is important is to establish the principle because from the principle the inevitable consequences will follow.

When the Grand Council was set up on January 13th 1923, superficial observers may have viewed the event as the creation of a new organ. No indeed: upon that day political liberalism was buried.

By creating the Militia, the armed defence of the party and of the Revolution, and the Grand Council, the supreme organ of the Revolution, we entered definitely upon the road of Revolution, after dealing a deathblow to all that stood for the theory and the practice of liberalism.

Today we are burying economic liberalism as well.

The Corporation operates in the economic field as the Grand Council and the Militia operate in the political field.

Corporations mean regulated economy and therefore also controlled economy, for there can be no regulation without control.

Corporations supersede socialism and supersede liberalism, they establish a new synthesis.

One fact is symptomatic, a fact which has perhaps not been adequately considered, namely that the decline of capitalism coincides with the decline of socialism.

All the socialist parties in Europe are shattered.

I am referring not only to Italy and Germany, but to other countries as well.

Part 2

From a strictly logical standpoint, these two phenomena were not conditional one on the other yet, historically, they were simultaneous.

Corporate economy rises at a particular moment in history when the two concomitant phenomena of capitalism and socialism have yielded all that they could give.

We have inherited everything that was still alive in each of them.

We have inherited everything that was still alive in each liberal theory, rising indignantly every time that labour was spoken of as a commodity.

The economic man does not exist. Man is complete: he is political, he is economic, he is religious, he is saint, he is warrior.

Today we are taking another step forward on the road of the Revolution.

Comrade Tassinari rightly said that a revolution, in order to be great, in order to leave a deep and lasting mark upon the life of a people and in history, must be a social revolution.3

If you look deeply into things you will see that the French Revolution was eminently social, for it demolished all that had survived of the Middle-Ages, from tolls to corvées,4 was responsible for the upheaval of the system of landed property in France, and created the millions of small land-owners who have been, and are still, one of the strongest and soundest forces of that country.

Were this not so, anybody could think he had made a revolution. A revolution is a serious matter, not a court conspiracy, nor a change of Cabinet, nor the rise of one party replacing another.

It is laughable to read that in 1876 the advent of the Left to power was described as a revolution.

In conclusion, let us ask ourselves: can Corporatism be applied to other countries? We are bound to ask ourselves this because the same question is being asked in all countries where efforts are made to study and to understand this problem.

There is no doubt that, in view of the general crisis of capitalism, the Corporate solution will force itself to the fore everywhere, but if the system is to be carried out fully, completely, integrally, revolutionarily, three conditions are required.

A single political party, in order that political discipline may exist alongside of economic discipline and that the bond of a common fate may unite everyone above contrasting interests. Nor is this enough. Besides the single political party there must be a totalitarian State, a State which by absorbing the energy, interests, and aspirations of the people, may transform and uplift them.

But even this is not enough. The third and last and most important condition is to live in an atmosphere of strong ideal tension.

We, in Italy, are living in this atmosphere today.

That is why, step by step, we shall give force and consistency to all our achievements, why we shall translate all our doctrine into action.

Who can deny that the Fascist Era is an era of great ideal tension? No one can deny it. This is an age in which arms are crowned by victory, institutions renewed, land redeemed, and new cities founded.

End Quote