Bolshevism, Stalinism, Jewry, Zionism and 200 Years Together

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Another speaker, one Lezlin, said: "So far Bolshevism is strong, therefore it is necessary to determine ways and means of fighting it. In our daily activities we constantly come up against Bolshevik institutions. The Russian intellectuals have already renounced sabotage. We too should to a certain extent renounce sabotage. And we should work in whatever Bolshevik government departments we can."

Silberg, a delegate from Astrakhan, said: "The purpose of our struggle is to organize all democratic elements in order to take power into our hands with the fall of Bolshevism. . . . The community is the first step in the organization of Jewry."

Zionists meet behind closed doors they lose all interest in discussing questions connected with the "holiness" of Zion, biblical testaments on "loving thy neighbor." They have a disdain for the internationalism, Soviet rule and Lenin's Party was the pivot of all their sentiments in the period of the October Revolution, while the elaboration and implementation of concrete methods of struggle against communism stood at the center of their practical activity. It could not have been otherwise with people in whose "credo" socialism was characterized as follows:

"Never in the course of its long history had Jewry such an enemy . . . for Jewry, for the Jewish national idea socialism is a mortal foe”

"Socialism is all the more dangerous because its bitter pill is lavishly sugared, because it comes to the unfortunate Jewish people . . . in the guise of a 'friend' and 'deliverer.' It tells them:

'Come you, the underprivileged, and I shall deliver you.'

But socialism is not such a 'platonic altruist': it demands compensation for its labours."

"What does it require of the Jews?" ask the authors of the document. "A great deal. First, it demands flesh and blood sacrifices. Socialism is preparing to overthrow the existing system by force, and such upheavals are inconceivable without bloodshed. . . . Socialism has inscribed on its banner the words 'The history of mankind is the history of class struggle,' i.e., it views crude materialism, the call of the belly as the sole factor of history, an almost exclusive code of life. . . . Whatever form, international or national, socialism might crystallize into, it is equally fatal. . . .

"Yet, if Jewry is to be capable of further historical existence it will have to develop in itself an antidote to the venom of socialism.

"And that is exactly what has happened. Raised . . . among the Jews of the world . . . the movement known as Zionism is that antidote.

Zionism is creation, revival; socialism is destruction, corruption.

Zionism is peace; socialism is enmity. . . .

Zionism is the unification of the whole of Jewry; socialism is the struggle of one class against another.

Zionism needs a modern system [i.e., capitalism—Y.I.]; socialism raises its sword against this system. . . . Socialism blocks the path to Zionism. Hence, Zionism and socialism are not merely two mutually repellent poles, but two elements, one completely ruling out the other. Zionism is needed wherever there are Jews, and it is essential where there is ferment in the minds of the Jews."

"That is precisely what the Jewish problem amounts to: assimilation or isolation?—and the idea of Jewish 'nationality' is definitely reactionary not only when expounded by its consistent advocates (the Zionists), but likewise on the lips of those who try to combine it with the ideas of Social-Democracy (the Bundists). . . .

Karl Kautsky, in particular reference to the Russian Jews, expresses himself ever more vigorously. Hostility towards non-native sections of the population can only be eliminated when the non-native sections of the population cease to be alien and blend with the general mass of the population. That is the only possible solution of the Jewish problem, and we should support everything that makes >for the ending of Jewish isolation.' Yet the Bund is resisting this only possible solution for it is helping, not to end but to increase and legitimize Jewish isolation. . . ." (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 7, p. 101.)

With his usual bluntness (now the object of great concern to his adherents) Zionist No.1 disclosed the objectives of "all reactionary forces in Europe," as Lenin indicated, in their efforts to "consolidate the isolation of Jewry."

"All our young people," Herzl wrote,

"who are now between 20 and 30 will sway away from their obscure socialist trends and come to me."

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Here, according to the rules of logic, we have all the links in the chain of Zionist views: Judaist mysticism, the preaching of enmity to one and all, the appeal to reject patriotism, glorification of "exclusiveness" and "racial purity," anti-internationalism and anti-communism.

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Pogroms

Solzhenitsyn does not stint on criticism of pogroms during the Russian civil war time, especially in Ukraine, which changed overlords several times (White Guardists, Ukrainian Independentists, the Kaiser's German troops and Bolsheviks). However, he corrects erroneous historical representations that claim that the pogroms provoked the subsequent acts of revenge by the Cheka:

The sequence of events was exactly the opposite: The 80% [of the Cheka in Kiev who were Jews] had already belonged to the Cheka since 1918 or early 1919, whereas the wave of the " Petlyura pogroms " only began during the year 1919 and the pogroms by the Whites began only in the autumn of that same year.

After "the government of independent Ukraine" and their party leadership had decided on January 11, 1918 to separate their country from Russia, and evacuated Kiev for Shitomir as the Bolsheviks advanced, the very numerous Jews living in Kiev went over immediately to the Reds with their "class terror." When evaluating all the events that followed, it remains essential to remember that public calls for mass murder and "class terror" were issued exclusively by the Bolshevik side.

On February 9, 1918, Germany officially made peace with Ukraine in the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and with Russia on March 3, 1918.

In a supplementary agreement of August 27 of that year, the Bolsheviks recognized the national independence of Ukraine, Finland and the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.

One month of Bolshevik rule had sufficed to release enormous revenge feelings among Ukrainians when, as a consequence of the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, the national government was able to return to its capital, Kiev, in February 1918.

While returning militias composed of farmers and Cossacks seized and shot the "Yid commissars," ironically, it was the German occupation troops who, as Solzhenitsyn says in his The Jews in the Soviet Union, "had an open ear for the needs of the Jewish population in the spring of 1918 in Kiev." 107 Solzhenitsyn adds:

This group was by no means insignificant: in 1919 Jews were 21% of the inhabitants of Kiev. The Zionists were able to be active without hindrance under the hetman [head of the Ukrainian national government]; they held an election for their own provisional "Jewish national assembly" and a Jewish national secretariat.

Under German occupation the Ukrainian government not only appointed a Jew as a government minister, but also granted unfettered political freedom to the Jewish homeland movement. It was only after the departure of German troops and the return of the Simon Vasilyevich Petlyura directorate from Vinnitsa to Kiev in December 1918 that a "civil war"like situation arose against the Jews.

Solzhenitsyn adds, "the Jews were blamed for all the victories of the Bolsheviks."

The excesses against Ukrainian Jews under the Petlyura government (Solzhenitsyn mentions an abundance of place names and dates) caused not only terror and mass flight, but also a stronger movement toward the Bolsheviks.

Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

Between December 1918 and August 1919 combat forces led by Petlyura organized dozens of pogroms, during which, according to data compiled by a commission of the International Red Cross, about 50,000 persons were killed. The largest pogrom took place on February 15, 1919 in Proskurov . . . after a failed Bolshevik attempt to overthrow the local government.

An American researcher attributed this civil war situation less to government policy and more to, as Solzhenitsyn affirms:

"independent reactions by the people themselves and especially the farmers." Armed bands were arbitrarily doing as they pleased in the countryside.

The White Guardists who served under the generals Peter Wrangel and Anthony Denikin had volunteered to help free Russia from the Bolsheviks; they quickly developed a fundamentally anti-Semitic attitude after they realized that Red forces had been commanded by Jewish commissars, although their generals endeavored — often in vain — to prevent excesses by their troops.

The history of the Russian civil war is characterized by the fact that after the Bolsheviks imposed an absolute information blackout toward the outside world, as exclusively as possible all writing on this conflict has been done either by foreign or domestic Jews. As interested parties, both these sources are fundamentally unreliable in the data they furnish. Therefore it is extraordinarily difficult if not impossible to ascertain exact numbers and the circumstances. Accordingly, victim numbers from the pogroms during the Russian civil war vary between 70,000 and 200,000.

There were supposedly 900 mass pogroms, 40% carried out by Petlyura followers under the Ukrainian Directorate, 25% by Ukrainian gangs, 17% by enlisted soldiers under General Denikin and 8.5% by the First Cavalry Army of the Bolshevik General Semyon Budyonny.

The Reds committed pogroms against Jews earlier than anyone else In the first winter of Bolshevik rule, troops fighting under the red banner committed a number of bloody pogroms, of which those in Ukraine in Glukhov and Novgorod Seversky particularly stood out because of the large number of victims, the raw and deliberate acts of violence, and the base humiliations perpetrated on those being tormented; as such, they dwarfed even the atrocious pogrom at Kalush [in western Ukraine, by non-Bolshevik Russian army troops in July 1917]. .. . Units of the Red Army who were retreating from Ukraine in spring 1918 carried out pogroms with the battle call: "Smash the Yids and the bourgeoisie!"

Particularly cruel pogroms were perpetrated by the First Cavalry Army while retreating from Poland at the end of August 1920. In the vast spaces of Russia, in the beginning the Reds had no idea who were the virtuous poor and the evil rich.

Solzhenitsyn again is quoted from The Jews in the Soviet Union:

Their path was marked by thousands of killed Jews, thousands of raped women and dozens of Jewish localities in which everything was robbed that was not riveted or nailed down. ... In Zhitomir, Ukraine every new conqueror of the city as it changed hands inaugurated his rule with a pogrom. All these pogroms — whether done by Petlyura, the Poles or the Soviets — were distinguished by a considerable number of killings.

The total number of pogrom victims from the civil war of 1917-1923 is likely "not under 100,000."

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Considerable Fluctuation Movements in the 20th Century

Solzhenitsyn assigned special importance to the Soviet Jewish migration during the 1920s from their rural domiciles into the large cities of Russia. Only this made possible their intensified collaboration in the power centers of the new regime. According to Solzhenitsyn in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

The "great exodus" of the Jewish population into the large cities began for several reasons in the earliest years of communist power. Some Jewish authors give these concise descriptions: "Thousands of Jews streamed out of the shtetls and a few cities in the south toward Moscow, Petrograd and Kiev, toward 'a real life.' . . . Starting in 1917 the Jews moved in hordes to Leningrad and Moscow" The Jewish Encyclopedia gives the following numbers: "Hundreds of thousands of Jews moved to Moscow, Leningrad and into other large urban centers. ... In 1920 there lived in Moscow about 28,000 Jews, in 1923 about 86,000, in 1926, according to the Soviet Census, about 131,000, and in 1933 about 226,000."

Jewish-communist authors wrote of about 1 million Jewish settlers in the central cities of the new regime, and that in 1923 "nearly 50% of the entire Jewish population of Ukraine" had moved into the large cities, also into the Russian Federation, into the Transcaucasus region and into Central Asia. Every fifth settler landed in Moscow"

This migration was unleashed not only by the enthusiasm of those Jews for Bolshevism, but certainly also for reasons of simple survival. Because under the Leninist and Trotskyite policy of "war communism," all private business was forbidden, the craftsman was limited in his activity and a new category was created, "persons without rights." Jews too were affected by all this.

Whoever therefore had not struck firm economical roots made sure he vanished into the anonymity of the large cities to follow the new privileged class. Five-sixths of Soviet Jews "selected this path and landed positions in the communist administration and organizations. On the national level, the average percentage of Jews in the communist apparatus in 1925-1926, according to official data, was six times higher than their share of the population."

A Jewish man by the name of Joseph Bikerman wrote in 1923 of his great concern concerning his ethnic countrymen:

The Jew is now to be found everywhere at every level. The Russian sees him at all points: at the top of the heap in the ancient capital of Moscow and in the other capital on the Neva [St. Petersburg] as well as in the Red Army. . . . Russian people see the Jews now in the function of both judge and executioner. He finds Jews at every step and turn, Jews who are not communists but were just as poor as he still is, but who now have the last word and are advancing Soviet power.

This development was furthered from the beginning of the revolution by its merciless fight against the bourgeoisie the aristocrats, government officials and military officers under the czar, and the entire Russian intelligentsia [educated class], which persecution went so far as denying any entrance into higher education to their children. Thus the Jews created for themselves a huge privilege: Since this subpopulation "was persecuted under the czarist government," it obtained — even for its own bourgeoisie — unrestricted acceptance into universities, and this ensured that they were qualified thereafter for executive functions within all the activities of the state. The Russian proletarian intellectuals lost out to a large extent. The Jewish Encyclopedia admits:

Now that there were no more restrictions according to ethnicity for admission to the universities, ... in the academic year 1926/27 Jews constituted 15.4% of all the students in the USSR, a portion nearly twice as high as that of the Jews in the entire urban population of the country.

This encyclopedia avoided comparing this percentage to the 1.7-1.8% of Jew in the overall Soviet population.

Many Jews consoled themselves with the idea that instead of taking the dangerous and strenuous road of Zionism with Theodor Herzl and Ze'ev (Vladimir) Jabotinsky they could, as Solzhenitsyn puts it, "rather immediately get a backbone in Russia, and not just an equal footing, but become a privileged nation."

It is noteworthy that their activism for Bolshevism, with all its consolations, as they recognized and admitted early on, "granted them privileged status," and they claimed this for themselves and their brethren for then and for the future as something natural. Equal rights with others were not to their taste; there had to be privileges. Lenin had provided these to them, but Stalin buried all that under his arbitrary rule.

The "privileging" of the Jews brought with it, among other things, the phenomenon that, as Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

[I]ncessantly, Jewish relatives streamed into proximity with those who had posts in the power structure of Bolshevism and concomitantly all advantages in practical life, particularly in the capitals with their many apartments and houses from which the owners had fled.

Participation in the Red Army

The founders of the Red Army in 1918 were Leon Trotsky, E.M. Sklyansky and Jacob Sverdlov. Their religion and ethnicity as well as their proletarian class connection ensured that Bolshevik command personnel, from the very beginning, showed to a large extent homogeneous ancestral traits, and these provided a certain guarantee for anti-czarist, anti-Orthodox Christian, and anti-Russian culture and tradition. Not only did many Jews fight in their ranks, but even an all- Jewish Joseph Furman brigade and other special Jewish units were created. Solzhenitsyn tells us:

In the command structure of the Red (worker-and-farmer) Army, Jewish cadres became ever more numerous and more powerful over time, and this continued after the civil war for many long years. Several Jewish authors and encyclopedias have treated the collaboration of Jews inmilitary leadership. The Israeli researcher Aaron Abra-movich created in the 1980s his own detailed lists of names of Jews, based on numerous Soviet publications such as the book Fifty Years of the Armed Forces of the USSR (published by the Soviet Historical Encyclopedia) and a collection "Directives of the Front Commands of the Red Army"; these lists consisted of Jews only who had occupied leading positions in the Red Army, beginning with the civil war and through World War II. 123 By order of Leon Trotsky, front commands were formed with appropriate staffs and new armies, and in nearly all the military revolutionary councils of the front commands and armies, Jews were represented.

Solzhenitsyn cites from various Jewish authors and mentions a long list of the names and functions of Army and division commanders and war commissars with the divisions:

Brigade commanders, brigade commissars, regimental and sectional commanders, directors of political departments, chairmen of military revolutionary tribunals. The proportion of Jews as political officers was particularly high in all branches of the Red Army

An Israeli researcher published statistics on the basis of the data contained in the census of 1926:

"Jewish writers often strive to represent Jewish Chekists as the "purge victims of Stalin " and to minimize their own participation in the 'Red Terror, ' although their role was very important "

Jewish men represented at that time 1.7% of the total male population of the USSR. . . . 2.1% of the officers who fought in actual combat were Jews. . . . 4.4%) in command positions were Jewish. . . . 10.3%) Jews among political officers and 18.6% of the Army surgeons were Jewish.

The Russian Jewish Encyclopedia augments and further describes much data by Abramovich. Thus certain "unusual women" are also named who assumed "command functions " among other things as heads of revolutionary committees, political departments, in Army operational staffs and military sections. Solzhenitsyn reveals his contempt for them, since they were active in implementing the "Red Terror." One of these Furies he describes, Rebecca Plastinina Maisel from the revolutionary committee of the Archangel government, "shot with her own hands 100 human beings . . . and belonged in the 1940s to the highest court of justice of the RSFSR (Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic)."

An Israeli historian confirms that the penetration of the high command structures of the Red Army by Jews, which existed from the beginning, still continued in the 1930s.

They were numerous particularly in the military revolutionary council, in the headquarters of the People's Commissariat for Defense, in the general staff and so forth. The same applies to the military districts, the armies, corps, divisions, brigades and all troop units. From the beginning, Jews occupied high positions in the political agencies. 127

Jewish writers born long after the events often strive to represent Jewish Chekists as the "purge victims of Stalin" and to minimize their own participation in the "Red Terror,"although their role was still very important "even in the 1940s in the enforcement organs, and only in the postwar years, when they fell victim to Stalin's "anti-cosmopolitan" campaign, were their numbers reduced."

While the yearbook Jewish World confesses that during the war "over 100 Jewish generals belonged to the Red Army," and ignores all but 17 "arbitrarily selected names," among them not one infantry general. It lists, "as a bad joke," with those 17 names, the Jewish major general in charge of the technical service of the Gulag, Frenkel Naphtali Aronovich.

A further Jewish anthology confirmed yet more names from the postwar period.

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Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

Of course, the egregious failure in these works was not to have mentioned the super-general, Levi Mekhlis, who from 1937-1940 was Stalin's closest and most trusted friend and, starting in 1941 again became the head of the PURKKA, the political head office of the Red Worker and Farmer Army. Ten days after the beginning of the war, it was he who had a dozen Soviet generals arrested at the highest levels of the command structure at the western front — to say nothing of his retaliatory actions during the Finnish war and later at Kerch in Ukraine.

Fifteen more names of Jewish generals are added by the Little Jewish Encyclopedia: 1976-2005, Jerusalem, Vol. 1, p. 686). All this, however, is still far exceeded by a more recent Jewish author, who arrived at a total figure of 270 Jewish generals and admirals in the Red Army, which included also those promoted during the war to these ranks. These are not only "not a few" — this number is colossal!

Listed are also four wartime people's commissars: be- sides Kaganovich, also Boris Vannikov (in charge of ammunition manufacturing), Simeon Ginsburg (construction department) and Isaac Salzman (tank production).

In addition, there were some Jewish heads of the military administrations of the Red Army, four army commanders, and the commanders of 23 corps, 72 divisions and 102 brigades. "In no other Allied army, not even in the American, did Jews hold such high positions as they did in the Soviet army," writes Dr. Y. Arad.

To speak of a pushing-out of Jews from high positions of power during the war would be wrong. And in the Soviet everyday life of that time as well, no such displacement became apparent.

The Israeli Encyclopedia confirms that in the USSR, in comparison with other ethnicities, "the Jews represented a disproportionately high portion of higher officers, primarily because among them a much higher percentage consisted of people with a university education."

Y. Arad notes: "During the war, the number of commissars and political workers in the various departments of the army who were Jewish was relatively higher than in other fields of activity."

According to the newspaper Unity of Feb. 24, 1945 (nearly at the end of the war), 63,374 Jews were distinguished with a medal or medals for bravery and heroism in the fight, and 59 Jews became "Heroes of the Soviet Union." Yet by 1963, according to the Yiddish-language newspaper/ me Vaser, "Voice of the People" (Warsaw), 160,772 Jews were awarded a medal or medal, and there were 108 "Heroes of the Soviet Union."

In the beginning of the 1990s, an Israeli author published a list with names and data of recipients of this high award, claiming 135 Jewish "Heroes of the Soviet Union" and 12 Jews who received the "Medal of Fame" in all three categories. The same data is also found in the three-volume work Descriptions of Jewish Heroism.

The newest number of Jews who were distinguished for special achievements in combat with Soviet medals is, however, 123, 822. 136 But this is not all. Solzhenitsyn says:

Many Jews dedicated themselves to the construction of all kinds of weapons and war technology, tool-making, aircraft, tank and ship construction, scientific research, the building and the development of industrial enterprises, power supply, metal production and transportation. For work for the front 180,000 Jews received decorations Two hundred of them received the Order of Lenin.

Joachim Hoffmann supplements this enumeration:

"Major General Abakumov, who had surrounded himself with a whole group of Jewish collaborators, was a close and trusted friend of Beria; Abakumov was described by the NKVD's General Sudoplatov as 'a Jew by birth.' He was one of the chief executives responsible for the tremendous crimes of the NKVD/MVD. General Reichmann of the NKVD was praised by Etchov in the 1930s while head of the Kharkov administrative area of the NKVD, was infamous for his special brutality. In 1940 he played a key role in the Katyn shooting of the Polish officers who were prisoners of war.

Twice decorated "Hero of the Soviet Union," Army General Ivan Danilovich Chernyakhovsky, as the commander-in-chief of the Belarussian front, was responsible for atrocities against the civilian population and German prisoners of war in East Prussia. The list could go on and on and on.

GENRIKH G. YAGODA: TERROR MASTER

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7d/1936_genrich_grigorijewitsch_jagoda.jpg

Born Herschel Yehuda, as early as 1920 he was already in the Presidium alongside Cheka director Felix Dzherzhinsky. By 1924 he was a leader of the Cheka and the GPU. Between 1 934 and 1 936 he was the People's Commissar of the Interior. One of his famous quotes was: "The bullet is the very best means of struggle against the class enemy!" His hated "class enemies" were the medium and large farmers (the "kulaks") and also "suspicious ones," "counter-revolutionaries" (Russians, Ukrainians, Caucasians and members of other races). He had arranged for the cadre chiefs on almost all levels of the state organs of enforcement to be vengeance-seeking co-religionists. "They craved revenge, revenge on everyone: on aristocrats, the rich, the Russians— the main thing was revenge." He disposed of "troops for special use," availed himself of bestial methods of overwork and starvation, and exploited the outlaw status of former citizens with assassination and poison. He also counterfeited foreign currencies. On March 15, 1938, after his "confession" in a show trial, the "very best means" of class warfare was inflicted on him on Stalin's order. It was under Yagoda's substantial co-responsibility, and as a consequence of "war communism," that just in the hunger winter of 1921-22, approximately 5 million human beings perished. Over the course of the forced collectivization of agriculture, it was his responsibility as the People's Commissar of the Interior that another 6 million human beings died.

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LEVI MEKHLIS: STALIN'S HATCHET MAN

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f8/Mehlis.jpg

Levi "Lev" Mekhlis was an early defector from the Zionist Poale Zion to the Central Committee's Organization Bureau, to Stalin's Secretariat as well as to the editorial board of Pravda. He replaced J.B. Gamarnik, who committed suicide on June 1, 1937, as the head and "Army Commissar, First Rank" of the Main Political Administration of the Red Army, where he was responsible for political commissars. Mekhlis was promoted thereafter to first place, representing the People's Commissariat of State Control and was also Deputy People's Commissar for Defense of the Nation. He was the organizer of the terror against the Red Army. As one of very few, this "purge" accomplice survived the Soviet dictator's liquidations, which ripped 35,000 officers (1 937-1 938) out of the Red Army. That was about half of the Soviet officer corps. The navy did not escape unscathed either. The destruction rate rose with the rank of the victim, and attained 80% of colonels and 90% of the generals. Mekhlis' most prominent victim was the deputy people's commissar for defense, Marshal Tukhachevsky. With his battle cry "death to the fascist worms," he ordered the commissar under him in 1941 to murder German prisoners of war. In the New Encyclopedia of Jewry, Bertelsmann Publishing House, Gutersloh-Munich 1992, the perpetrator Levi Mekhlis isn't even mentioned.

Jewish Commissars Were No German Invention

The proofs to which Solzhenitsyn refers for the far above average percentage of Jewish leaders in the Bolshevik terror in comparison with the total population of Russia are almost exclusively taken from Jewish sources. This is a welcome procedure because it extracts him from any credible reproach of "antisemitism" or basic one-sidedness on this subject.

Here we limit ourselves to a selection of Solzhenitsyn 's general conclusions in order to avoid being crushed by the multiplicity of Jewish commissar names and functions, promotions and transfers to new responsibilities:

It is beyond all doubt that in the party called "the Bolsheviks" and in all the other parties that contributed so much to the success of the revolution — the Mensheviks, Social Revolutionaries and others — Jews represented a far higher percentage than their proportion of the population of Russia. . . . References to the lack of civil rights of the Russian Jews before the February Revolution . . . give no exhaustive answer by itself to this phenomenon.

The majority of the Russians, from the simple man from the people to the highest-ranking general, were stunned just to look at all these new orators and leaders of demonstrations and meetings, these persons who now had the final say and abruptly appeared so different from their leaders in former times.

The very trick many of these people used of exchanging their real [Jewish] names with Russian-sounding aliases and thus misleading the citizenry — mostly the Russians — as Solzhenitsyn explains, "greatly vexed them even in the early months after the February Revolution against the Jews. . . . Now a wave of popular anger swept over the Jews."

From Solzhenitsyn 's The Jews in the Soviet Union:

Before our eyes the most primal antisemitism is re-born. . . . One need only listen [in Petrograd] to discussions on the streetcars, in the lines before various businesses or in any of the innumerable spontaneous demonstrations at every intersection The Jews are accused of supremacism in politics, and it is said that they were bringing all the parties and the Soviets under their thumb, even destroying the army. 142 ... It is said even of the Executive Committee in Petrograd that it is infiltrated by Jews.

Even if Solzhenitsyn stresses that the October Revolution should be attributed to Russians as such "despite the over-all guidance by Trotsky" and the energetic assistance of others — since Lenin is considered to be clearly Russian 144 — this does not weaken the details that follow:

Jewish military men played an important role in both the preparation and execution of the armed rebellion of October 1917 in Petrograd and in other cities of the country and also in the final crushing of the mutinies and armed resistance against the new Soviet regime.

The resolution to launch the Bolshevik uprising of Oct. 10, 1917 was made by 12 men, half of whom were Jews: Trotsky (founder of the Red Army), Zinoviev (later chairman of the Communist Internationale, the "Comintern," Kamenev (a member of the CC and the Politburo), Sverdlov (director of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee), Uritsky (commissar of the Extraordinary Staff of the Petrograd military district, murdered shortly thereafter) and Sokolnikov. In the Politburo that was soon to be elected they were reunited, with the exception of Sverdlov and Uritsky.

The "Jewish question" ranked ten times higher than issues affecting farmers even at this first congress [of the Soviets on October 27, 1917], which was supposed to be a congress of workers and deputies of the peasants, and which had issued various decrees about peace and land.

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Lenin himself referred to this circumstance:

What rendered a large service to the revolution was the fact that because of the war a significant number of Jews, who belonged to the mid-level intelligentsia, had relocated to the large Russian cities. Only because of this reserve of well-trained and more or less prudent and intelligent new civil servants could we succeed in taking over the state apparatus thoroughly remaking it.

And Solzhenitsyn adds:

From the first day, the Bolsheviks brought Jews into the Soviet power apparatus — some in directing positions, others as implementers It was in any case a mass phe- nomenon. Thousands of Jews streamed [in late 1917 and in 1918] into the Bolshevik ranks, since they saw in them the most decisive representatives of revolution, the most reliable internationalists, and they formed the majority of the lower layers of the party structure.

The creation of a Jewish commissariat in 1918 reflected this. It was designed to become a center for the Jewish communist movement. 150 Its task consisted of putting the new urban Jews into the service of communism and smashing all the old organizational structures of conservative Jewry in Russia. The consequence was that an important segment of their leaders crossed over to the Bolsheviks.

Stalin later ordered the cruel persecution of these same leaders. But as early as 1920 the Jewish-dominated Cheka presidium prohibited all Zionist [i.e. "striving for a Jewish homeland in Palestine"] organizations as "counterrevolutionary" and locked up all the participants in the spring 1920 All-Russian Zionist Conference in Moscow.

In the widely cast demonization campaign of the Bolsheviks, which targeted the aristocracy, the rich, state officials, the "hired hands of capitalism " officers, priests, monks, nuns, farmers (the "kulaks") and all the other "auxiliaries of czarism ," the once lowly Jews ended up as the only category that did not make the list. And so they could give the new "purgers" a boost, which however came across to others, who knew them as a previously outcast people, as overzealous and unscrupulous. This is how they acted. It may be that they encountered the other, the goyim, dehumanizing him because of the tenets of their religion, preserved among themselves, however, an unusual level of co-operation.

So it was surely no coincidence that the secret services Cheka and GPU, brutal from the outset and given unrestricted authority, used Jewish regional directors (primarily in Petrograd, Moscow, Odessa and Kiev) to implement force to an extraordinary extent, aside from the Pole Felix Dzerzhinsky, who had undergone 1 1 years of czarist banishment.

An investigation published in 1999 in Moscow revealed:

In Kiev, Isaac Schwartz assumed the direction of the 10-member Kiev Cheka collective. Initially seven of its members were Jewish. The Cheka personnel in Ukraine — with Ukrainians being 80% of the population — was 75% of Jewish origin.

If as late as 1934, with a Jewish population percentage of approximately 2%, fully 39%) of the top officials of the secret services came from Jewish families — yet from Russian families only 36% — history is entitled to speak of a Jewish supremacy in the secret services. This supremacy was smashed only by Stalin [Solzhenitsyn adds that on January 1, 1938 their percentage was 27% and on July 1, 1939 a mere 4%.— Ed.].

And who were its victims? Solzhenitsyn says:

. . . [T]he innumerable shooting victims, those who were sunk in whole ships, the hostages and prisoners . . . the officers were Russians, the nobles were Russians, the zemstvo members were Russians, and the farmers who did not want to go into the Red Army and were dragged out of the forests, Russians.

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Bela Kun

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/18/Bela_Kun_%28cropped%29.png

Pictured here is Bela Kun (the former Aaron Cohn, a Hungarian national). He proclaimed the dictatorship of the proletariat on March 21, 1919 in Budapest. After the bloody rule and collapse of his Soviet republic on August 1 , 1 91 9, he went to Russia and took part (after 1 920) as a member of the Revolutionary War Council in the Russian civil war and spent many years participating in Bolshevik "purges," to which, just in the Crimea, 60,000-70,000 people fell victim. In 1935 he rose to become a delegate to the Comintern— and on November 30, 1939 was himself executed.

Jewish Commissars: Continued

Even the intelligentsia [well-educated class] that was opposed to antisemitism, as well as of course the members of the Orthodox church, were Russian. Besides this, all active anti-Semites were considered outlaws, i.e. they could be shot out of hand, "they too all being Russians." 157 Even Pravda published an appeal by the workers in Arkhangelsk:

Everywhere we see that only the Russian-Orthodox churches are being defiled, desecrated and robbed, but not the Jewish synagogues. . . . Deaths by hunger and disease carry off hundreds of thousands of innocent Russian lives, but the Jews do not die of hunger and disease.

Solzhenitsyn elaborates in his The Jews in the Soviet Union:

In the USSR the persecution inflicted on Christians exceeded anything that ever happened in the past in both cruelty and extent. However one may not burden this entirely on the Jews, but their influence may not be played down either.

In the eyes of the Whites [the right-wing anti-Bolsheviks] all this promptly and naturally revealed authentic proof of the fusion of Jewry and the Bolsheviks.

Even observers from America paid tribute to the dynamic role of the Jews in Bolshevism. ... In the upward momentum of the October phase many Jews still spoke with proudly erect heads of their activities for Bolshevism. . . . The participation of the Jews in the revolution and in the civil war went even beyond their extraordinary participation in the government; it was far more extensive even than that."

Inadvertently a photo taken at a meeting of the presidium of the Petrograd Soviet after the October Revolution was published. Jews formed the absolute majority at the presidium table.

In retrospect, one may use the words of the Zionist Arno Lustiger:

It is no injustice to identify Bolshevism with the Jews. Three of five members of the "Committee for the Revolutionary Defense of Petrograd" were Jews: Uritsky, Goldstein and Drabkin. The chairman of the Soviet there was Trotsky, later Zinoviev and Uritsky, all Jews. Of the eight members of the "Revolutionary War Council of the Republic," five are Jews: Trotsky, Sklyansky, Gussiev, Kamenev and Unshlikht. The first head of state of the Soviet republic was Jacob Sverdlov, a Jew.

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Solzhenitsyn says:

"the role of the Jews was particularly remarkable in the agencies responsible for the food supply."

According to Solzhenitsyn, they implemented directives such as these:

Food requisitioning must be carried out without consideration for the consequences, including the seizure of all the entire grain in a village. The producer is only allowed the hunger ration. In putting together the units that requisitioned the farmers' food they hired former criminal offenders and antisocial elements who had no problem with beating the farmers. 164 The all too open participation of the Jews in the Bolshevik fury directs the eyes of the Russians and of the whole world upon us.

I.O. Levin affirmed in his writings on the communist revolutions in Hungary and Bavaria after WWI that the flood of Jews into the Bolshevik camp had hardly anything to do with any preceding suffering. Solzhenitsyn explains:

In both countries the number of Jews who took part in the Bolshevik regime was enormous. In Bavaria, we find among the commissars the Jews Levine, Levien, Axelrod, the anarchist ideologue Landauer and Ernst Toller. . . . In Hungary Jews represented up to 95% of the leaders in the Bolshevik movement. . . . The legal status of the Jews was excellent in Hungary. For a long time there had been no legal restrictions. On the contrary, the Jews enjoyed a position that could tempt anti-Semites to speak of Jewish supremacy in the cultural and economic life of Hungary.

One should add that these were the conditions in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy of the time, and similar conditions also prevailed to a large extent in Imperial Germany. . . .

Josef Stalin, Vladimir Lenin and Mikhail Kalinin

https://s14-eu5.startpage.com/cgi-bin/serveimage?url=https%3A%2F%2Fc8.alamy.com%2Fcomp%2FB9PJDB%2Fjosef-stalin-right-vladimir-lenin-center-and-mikhail-kalinin-right-B9PJDB.jpg&sp=c3926f3c667dbd3acfaf37f0c2a34512

(photo from the 8th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, March 1919). The second party program, adopted at its 8th Congress, was aimed at "the maximum centralization of production, simultaneously striving to establish a unified economic plan." In their commentary on this program, Bukharin and Preobrazhensky explained what lay behind this phrase. They stated that under communism, "society will be transformed into a huge working organization for cooperative production. There will then be neither disintegration of production nor anarchy of production....

No longer will one enterprise compete with another; the factories, workshops, mines and other productive institutions will all be subdivisions, as it were, of one vast people's workshop, which will embrace the entire national economy of production This is how the organization of communist production will be effected." In other words, Big Brother would control everything.

Jewish Commissars: Continued Two

Solzhenitsyn recognized the international situation correctly in his remarks regarding the Zionists of the east coast of the U.S., who, independent of Russian events, used their power in 1 9 1 9 at the Versailles "peace treaty" — which they ignored — to set forth to bring all Western traditions crashing down. His comments:

That which united all those insurgent — and also many Jews on the other side of the ocean — was a sudden flaming up of unchecked revolutionary internationalist fervor, a stormy urge for revolution that they wanted to carry out as a "world revolution" or even "permanent revolution."

The rapid advancement of the Jews in the Bolshevik administration naturally did not remain unnoticed among Jews in Europe and in the U.S. and called forth, shamefully, nothing but joyful approval.

Solzhenitsyn wrote, referring to Jewish sources, once again on the immigrants from the US: "Especially the many Jews . . . these people displayed a brutality and rigorousness in Russia with their repressive measures against the middle class [that provoked discussion even in the U.S. Senate — Ed.]:

They only speak the Russian language badly. The people over whom they had seized power was strange to them, and they behaved like conquerors in a defeated country. Whereas in czarist Russia, Jews were not given any important positions, and schools and the civil service were closed to them, there were Jews everywhere in the Soviet republics in every committee and commissariat. Often they changed their Jewish names into Russian ones. But this masquerade could not deceive anybody. Vol. II, Jews in the Soviet Union, p. Ill]

Solzhenitsyn also refers to an article by the then war minister of the British Cabinet, Winston Churchill of February 1920 in The London Illustrated Sunday Herald:

And now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underground of the great cities of Europe and America has gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and has become practically the undisputed master of that enormous [Russian] empire.

In this connection, Solzhenitsyn mentions that the British intervention troops in the Baku area "shot 26 Bolshevik commissars on September 20, 1918 in Baku in the desert on the Caspian Sea, without this exciting the slightest interest on the part of the world public."

It never bothered the many humanitarian moral apostles of the Western world that "the English were in a hurry to occupy the oil fields of Baku." The authors of the anthology Russia and Russian Jewry, G. Aronson and I.M. Bikermann, confessed in 1924 their worry:

Naturally it is clear that not all Jews are Bolsheviks, and not all Bolsheviks are Jews, but it does not take long to prove how excessively, and above all how over-zealously, Jews took part in the abuse of the half-dead Russia by the Bolsheviks. . . . The Russian people have never before experienced Jews in power. Now, however, one experiences them at every step and turn, and their power is brutal and unlimited One must understand the psychological reaction of the Russians when they feel themselves suddenly exposed to the power of this whole rotten scum, with its arrogance and crudity, its self-centeredness and churlish behavior.

When in 1929 the forced collectivization of agriculture was introduced, which led to at least 6 million dead by programmed famine, although it was ordered by Stalin it was carried out by a variegated team of Jewish communist executioners. Solzhenitsyn tells us in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

In the national planning authority "Gosplan'' Stalin maintained the previous Jewish majority. Of course J. Larin was among them, [the founder of the economics of "war communism" — Ed.] and one of the leading lights and theoreticians of collectivization. Levi Krizman began functioning in 1928 as the director of the Agricultural Institute and from 1931-1933 he was the Deputy Chairman of the Gosplan. . . .

Jacob-Levi-Epstein was the head of the People's Agricultural Commissariat. . . . Afterward [around the end of of 1929] he led the "Great Reform" the collectivization attack, which affected millions, along with the eager fill- fillers of his plan.

[He] belonged, together with M. Kalmanovich to the highest Government Council for Work and Defense (whose composition is nearly completely mentioned with Stalin, Molotov, Mikoyan, Orjonikidse and Voroshilov).

S. Margolina writes in her book Das Ende der Liigen [The End of the Lies — Ed.]:

Besides this, at the end of the 1920s not a few Jewish communists began showing up for the first time out in the flat country as military commanders and as lords of life and death. It was only over the course of the collectivization that the picture of the Jew as the hated enemy of the farmer was formed — even in areas where no one had ever previously seen a Jew face-to-face.

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Solzhenitsyn takes a stand against the view that it there was merely a Jewish "layer of implementers" and stresses instead that "Jews also belonged in no small measure to the dominant class of that time," which, after 1937/38, and centered in the large cities, kept the whole enormous country under lock and key, ever forgetting to put forth that the exponent of their idea, Karl Marx, was "the creative genius behind the ideas for the communist liberation of mankind."

The "pitiless and disastrous" Lazar Kaganovich, a member after 1930 of the Politburo and head of the Central Committee's Control Commission, and after the mid-19308 CC Secretary, was co-responsible for the forced collectivization of agriculture and for the great purges of 1934-1938.

Solzhenitsyn says that:

"outside of Stalin, he was the only one at this height."

175 His three brothers in high positions also received Solzhenitsyn's mention. The press, the political administration of the Red Army and the guidance of the Komsomol [the communist youth organization] lay in Jewish hands.

The eight Jewish people's commissars in 1936 were also not forgotten:

  • Maxim Litvinov = people's commissar of the exterior;

  • Genrikh Yagoda = people's commissar of the interior (1934 -1936; shot on March 15, 1938 in Moscow);

  • Nicolas Y. Yeshov = people's commissar of the interior after September 27, 1936. His deputy, M. Berman, remained at the same time the head of the national punishment camp administration, the Gulag. His staff of collaborators was ethnically as one may expect. Yeshov was liquidated at the end of of 1938; his successor was Beria.

  • Lazar Kaganovich = people's commissar for railways;

  • A. Rosenholts = people's commissar for foreign trade;

  • I.J. Weizer = people's commissar for domestic trade;

  • M. Kalmanovich = people's commissar for the sovkhoses (state properties);

  • L.J. Lyubimov = people's commissar for light industry;

  • G. Kaminsky = people's commissar for the health service;

  • S. Belenky = chairman of the Committee for Soviet Control.