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[–]Jesus[S] 2 insightful - 1 fun2 insightful - 0 fun3 insightful - 1 fun -  (20 children)

The Soviet Press provided a list of 556 important functionaries of the Soviet State (1918 - 1919)

...Which included 17 Russians, 2 Ukrainians, 11 Armenians, 35 Letts, 15 Germans, 1 Hungarian, 10 Georgians, 3 Poles, 3 Finns, 1 Czech, 1 Karaim (Jewish sect) -- and 457 Jews.

(81.3% of the Bolshevik Government was Jewish according to the list of 556 Functionaries of the Societ State between 1918-1919.)


62 Members (42 Jews and 20 Gentiles) - 68%


36 Members (23 Jews and 13 Gentiles) - 64% most likely much higher.


22 Members (17 Jews and 5 Gentiles) - 77%


Bronstein [Trotsky], Apfelbaum [Zinovieff], Lourie (Larine), Ouritski, Volodarski, Rosenfeldt ]Kamenef], Smidovitch, Sverdov [Yankel], Nakhamkes [Steklov], Lenin [Ulyanov]*

(The names in brackets are their real names).

Jews 10, Gentiles 2 (Krylenko, Lounatcharski). - 83%

There is some dispute as to Lenin's racial origins. It is known that he was married to a Jewess; spoke Yiddish as did his children.

"Lenin had taken part in Jewish student meetings in Switzerland thirty-five years before. He is generally regarded as a Russian but there is doubt." -- (Jewish Chronicle, December, 16th, 1932).

"Although Lenin was a political monster, he was no enemy of the Jews. He was aware of his partly Jewish origin, many of his close associates were Jews, he often spoke of Jews in favourable terms and he opposed anti-Jewish attitudes." (The London Times, Dec. 8, 1996, Section 7, page 2)


MENSHEVIKS: 11 Members, all Jews - 100%

COMMUNISTS OF THE PEOPLE: 6 Members, 5 Jews - 83%

S.R (RIGHT WING): 15 Members, 13 Jews - 87%

S.R (LEFT WING): 12 Members, 10 Jews - 83%

COMMITTEE OF THE ANARCHISTS: 5 Members, 4 Jews - 80%

POLISH COMMUNIST PARTY: 12 Members, all Jews - 100%


MINISTRY OF THE COMMISSARIAT 22 Members: 17 Jews, 5 Gentiles - 77%

CENTRAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 61 Members: 41 Jews, 20 Gentiles - 67%

Stalin might be a Jew based on genealogies, but he's not a Russian but a Caucasian. His Deputy however, is his father-in-law who is Jewish, Lazarus Mosessohn Kaganowitsch, who by Government decree enjoys full rights and privileges and is to all intents and purposes the Supreme Ruler. Kaganowitsch ensured that criteria for key positions in the Police Force, the Red Army, the Department of the Interior, the Ministry of Foreign Trade and in the Foreign Office, is to be of Jewish race.

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Zionism at Odds With Bolshevism?

Zionism proclaimed that the Jew, wherever he lived outside Palestine from which his forefathers (or some of them: for the Jews in all countries are as mixed as the French, Belgians, Germans or Italians) were driven 1,800 years ago-was an alien. Zionism proclaimed ‘the return of the Jews to Judaism even before their return to the Jewish land’ (Herzl at Basel) i.e. that Jewish exploiter and Jewish exploited, outside Palestine, had far more in common with each other than with their fellow citizens: so did the anti-Semites. Zionism proclaimed that the Jewish national minorities in a score of different lands (from advanced capitalist countries like the U.S.A. to patriarchal communities like the Yemen), despite the absence of common territory, speech, economy, or even psychological characteristics, constituted a single nation, with interests distinct from all others: so did the anti-Semites. (Rothstein, Andrew. Labour Monthly, Vol. XXXV, No. 3, March 1953.) Zionist ideologues expressed distaste for the socialist movement. There was an unequivocal declaration that Jewish workers should make no union with socialist conceptions. (‘time enough to exercise the right to build socialist parties once the Jewish people are in Palestine’, said Herzl in August 1903, at St. Petersburg). As Rothstein put it:

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In short, Zionism was antisemitism inside out.

How had this come about? Zionism appeared as a reaction of middle-class Jews against the ‘pogroms’, or officially-inspired massacres of Jews, which befouled Romania from the ’60’s onwards, Russia from the ’80’s: and against the anti-Semitic propaganda, also encouraged by the authorities, which developed in these countries, as well as in Austria-Hungary and Germany, by the end of the century. Indeed what mass support it got came from the terror aroused by the pogroms, not because the miserably poor Jewish workers, artisans, petty hucksters and peasants were moved by national feeling. But what was the origin of all these bestialities? It was the panic of the ruling classes at the growth of socialism and the labour movement: they attempted to use the Jews as a whipping-boy. Furthermore, the Jewish industrial workers in all European countries (in Russia from the ’80’s onwards) were among the most active in trade unionism and in accepting progressive socialist ideas. Their response to antisemitism and pogroms was to strengthen their organization and their links with the general working-class movement in the lands where they lived. As such they were welcomed: Plekhanov, in the first report of the Russian labour movement ever presented to an international Congress (London, 1896), wrote that:

‘in some respects they can be considered the vanguard of the workers’ army in Russia’. But for that very reason the Jewish labour movement was not welcomed by the petty Jewish capitalists and Jewish intellectuals wanting a middle-class career. For them Zionism was a heaven-sent way of diverting the Jewish workers from pursuit of their class interests—and in this, too, it coincided with the desires of the ruling classes.

These were the fundamental features of Zionism at its very birth: and they have dominated all its subsequent development.

Of course the Zionist leaders of the present Israel Government call themselves ‘socialists’ even though the State of which they are the caretakers protects capitalism and not socialism, in Israel, by its laws, police, army, spies, diplomats, propaganda, etc. But this is an old trick too. We have seen that Herzl himself advised Russian Jews in 1903 to postpone forming socialist parties until they got to Palestine. This was not completely practical advice, since the great mass of the Jewish workers in Russia were accepting socialist ideas. ‘But the Russian Zionists did the next worst thing. They organized a number of parties—‘Zionist Socialists’ (1904), ‘Jewish Socialist Labour Party’ (1905), ‘Territorialists’ (1904), ‘Poalei Zion’ (1906)—which differed in minor details, but all agreed in separating the Jewish workers from all others, and in telling them that the struggle for socialism was hopeless until they emigrated to some other territory or country and set up a new state—which of course must begin as a capitalist state (the Poalei-Zion leader Borochov even developed an entire theory about large-scale capitalism developing in Palestine and thus promoting the class struggle there better). Thus these ‘proletarian’ Zionists helped the bourgeois Zionists just as the latter helped the ruling classes and anti-semitic propagandists, in Russia and elsewhere. No wonder the Russian Social Democratic Party Executive (comprising both Bolsheviks and Mensheviks) unanimously refused in July 1907 to include the ‘Zionist-Socialists’ and ‘Poalei-Zion’ in the Russian delegation to the International Socialist Congress at Stuttgart that year: and that the International Socialist Bureau elected by the Congress, at its meeting in October, 1908, refused to recognize them as affiliated bodies (Lenin, Works, 4th edition, vol. XV, p. 220). Up to the first world war, the Zionist propaganda had not been very successful in promoting Jewish emigration to Palestine. But in the course of that war the Zionist leaders found in the British Government a more favorable imperialist patron than the Sultan, the Tsar or the Kaiser. British imperialism wanted to break up the Turkish Empire from within, and in 1917 the Balfour Declaration promised the Zionist leaders a ‘national home’ in Palestine, as a ‘mandated’ colony of the British Empire. Jewish emigration, stimulated by big capital investments in Palestine, increased. In 1921 there were only 80,000 Jews and 600,000 Arabs: by the end of 1938 there were 424,000 Jews and 916,000 Arabs. By this time, too, even the most loyal service by the Zionist leaders as ‘a little loyal Jewish Ulster in a sea of hostile Arabs’ (Sir Ronald Storrs, Orientations) had not prevented a fair amount of British intrigue with the feudal Arab States themselves—with the consequence that the coming of the second world war found Arabs and Jews in Palestine at each other’s throats, and a British police state holding down both.

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The frightful massacres of the Jews in the Nazi-occupied countries of Europe from 1939 to 1945 proved a powerful recruiting agent for Palestine among the survivors. By 1946 there were 600,000 Jews there, and today there are 1,450,000—with a national minority of 120,000 Arabs: many hundreds of thousands of other Arabs were driven out of the country. In the course of the second world war the Zionist leaders had shifted their allegiance once again to the highest bidder—American imperialism, with hundreds of millions of dollars to invest—and when the new state of Israel was set up in May 1948, after bloody and protracted armed struggles, Jewish millionaires in the U.S.A. tools over in practice the leadership of the world Zionist organization and liaison with the rulers of the new state, lending them $100 million—a sum which by the end of 1952 had (with grants) been nearly trebled. The Soviet Union, with the object of ending bloodshed, proposed in May, 1947, that the United Nations should recommend a dualnation democratic state in Palestine, or, failing that, separate states for Jews and Arabs. In doing so, its spokesmen always made it plain that they were concerned for the fate of the ‘Jews in Palestine’—as well as of the Arabs—and were not giving support to the Zionist pretension that Israel was to be the ‘national home’ of Jews throughout the world. The Soviet Union and the People’s Democracies established diplomatic relations with the new state as they would with any other state, capitalist or feudal, which wanted peaceful and friendly relations with them. When they gave material support to Israel, during the 1948 hostilities with the Arab States (which were incited by British imperialism to attack Israel), it was to help the Jewish people living there to defend themselves, not as backing for Zionism. As Ilya Ehrenburg wrote in an article in Pravda (September 21, 1948):

In addition to invasion by Anglo-Arab hordes, Israel knows another invasion, less noisy but not less dangerous—by Anglo-American capital. . . . It is not representatives of the workers who head the State of Israel. We have all seen how the bourgeoisie of the European countries, with their great traditions and their ancient statehood, has betrayed national interests in the name of the dollar. Can Soviet people expect the Israeli bourgeois to have more conscience and foresight than the bourgeois of France or Italy? Hardly . . . Ehrenburg was right. The bourgeois Zionist rulers of Israel, not satisfied with maintaining capitalist exploitation in their own country, with national oppression of the Arab minority, have harnessed themselves in the service of the dollar. Zionism in 1953, as sixty years ago, is an enemy of the Jewish working people. The Jewish workers who support its policy of betrayal and adventure, whether in Israel or in Britain, are unwittingly doing themselves the gravest injury. There is but one road to freedom for the Jewish workers in Britain, just as there is but one road to safety from the dangerous situation into which the working people of Israel have now been dragged by their rulers. It is the struggle for the victory of socialism over capitalism, for people’s democracy, for the victory of working-class internationalism over bourgeois nationalism and Zionist racialism.

Their [Zionism] Basel Congress of 1897 itself opened with a ‘resolution of thanks and devotion’, suggested by Herzl, to the Turkish Sultan—whose government was just then swimming in the blood of massacred Armenians. In 1898 Herzl was seeking the patronage of the German Kaiser: so, talking with the Foreign Minister Billow, he ‘thought it advisable to stress the anti-socialist attitude of Zionism’, and in his audience with Wilhelm II himself he got an ‘opening for his favorite argument that Zionism would dissolve the revolutionary parties in the Jewish people’. These quotations are from Herzl’s Zionist biographer, Bein. In 1903 Herzl was trying to enlist the favors of the Russian Czar: so he visited Plehve, the Russian Minister of the Interior, and suggested that Zionism would combat socialist ideas among the Jewish youth in exchange for Czarist support (Herzl’s Diary, published in 1922-3).

After October 1905, when Czardom replied to the revolutionary General Strike by organizing pogroms, the Russian Zionists denounced the Jewish workers who took part in the socialist movement, and in some towns (Bobruisk, Belostok, Slobodka, Amdur, Siedlowice) Jewish petty capitalists under the influence of these denunciations actually organized Jewish ‘Black Hundreds’ and their own pogroms against Jewish socialist workers. When the present Zionist bourgeois rulers of Israel organize pogroms today against the progressive and Communist workers who are protesting against servility to Wall Street and attacks on the socialist states, they are only-reviving a fifty-year-old tradition.

Ralph Schoenman writes in his book ‘The Hidden History of Zionism’:

Theodor Herzl approached none other than Count Von Plehve, the author of the worst pogroms in Russia – the pogroms of Kishinev with the following proposition: “Help me to reach the land [Palestine] sooner and the revolt [against Czarist rule] will end.” [79] Von Plehve agreed, and he undertook to finance the Zionist movement. He was later to complain to Herzl: “The Jews have been joining the revolutionary parties. We were sympathetic to your Zionist movement as long as it worked toward emigration. You don’t have to justify the movement to me. You are preaching to a convert.” [80] Herzl and Weizmann offered to help guarantee Czarist interests in Palestine and to rid Eastern Europe and Russia of those “noxious and subversive Anarcho-Bolshevik Jews”. The same appeal was made by the Zionists to the Sultan of Turkey, the Kaiser in Germany, to French imperialism and to the British Raj.

On May 2, 1918, Zeire Zion, a ramified Zionist organization, met in secret conference in Moscow. The conference was attended by representatives from Petrograd, Moscow, Vitebsk, Voronezh, Vologda, Rybinsk, Saratov, Astrakhan, Irkutsk, Orel, Kazan, Tula, Kozlov, Kaluga, Dubrovka, Tambov, Borisoglebsk, Livny, Kineshma, Yelets, Samara, and Ryazan.

A report was delivered whose theses had been carefully discussed and approved in advance: "The basic issue of Russia's policy is that of the Russian revolution; the experiments of the socialist revolution are Bolshevik experiments in the sphere of industry, finance, state economy, foreign policy. .. . The results of these experiments are the collapse of the state, economic decline . . . and strong reaction in the West; the position of the Jewish people is economic deterioration and impoverishment of middlemen, traders, employees and artisans as a result of requisitions in the occupied regions of Russia with the same thing happening in socialist Russia as a result of Bolshevik experiments which are killing trade, industry. . . . Our political demands remain unchanged: the formation of a coalition government without the Bolsheviks."

A heated debate ensued. Dr. Ryss made the following point in his statement:

"The Bolsheviks said that as soon as they established the dictatorship of the proletariat they would be able to achieve everything. . . . What will be our stand on this issue? We should have a Jewish orientation: a Russian Federative Republic must be set up in the interests of the Jewry.

. . . What are we to do? Should we serve the Bolsheviks? Yes, we should, for it would not be a political recognition of their rule, but a question of bread."

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Another speaker, one Lezlin, said: "So far Bolshevism is strong, therefore it is necessary to determine ways and means of fighting it. In our daily activities we constantly come up against Bolshevik institutions. The Russian intellectuals have already renounced sabotage. We too should to a certain extent renounce sabotage. And we should work in whatever Bolshevik government departments we can."

Silberg, a delegate from Astrakhan, said: "The purpose of our struggle is to organize all democratic elements in order to take power into our hands with the fall of Bolshevism. . . . The community is the first step in the organization of Jewry."

Zionists meet behind closed doors they lose all interest in discussing questions connected with the "holiness" of Zion, biblical testaments on "loving thy neighbor." They have a disdain for the internationalism, Soviet rule and Lenin's Party was the pivot of all their sentiments in the period of the October Revolution, while the elaboration and implementation of concrete methods of struggle against communism stood at the center of their practical activity. It could not have been otherwise with people in whose "credo" socialism was characterized as follows:

"Never in the course of its long history had Jewry such an enemy . . . for Jewry, for the Jewish national idea socialism is a mortal foe”

"Socialism is all the more dangerous because its bitter pill is lavishly sugared, because it comes to the unfortunate Jewish people . . . in the guise of a 'friend' and 'deliverer.' It tells them:

'Come you, the underprivileged, and I shall deliver you.'

But socialism is not such a 'platonic altruist': it demands compensation for its labours."

"What does it require of the Jews?" ask the authors of the document. "A great deal. First, it demands flesh and blood sacrifices. Socialism is preparing to overthrow the existing system by force, and such upheavals are inconceivable without bloodshed. . . . Socialism has inscribed on its banner the words 'The history of mankind is the history of class struggle,' i.e., it views crude materialism, the call of the belly as the sole factor of history, an almost exclusive code of life. . . . Whatever form, international or national, socialism might crystallize into, it is equally fatal. . . .

"Yet, if Jewry is to be capable of further historical existence it will have to develop in itself an antidote to the venom of socialism.

"And that is exactly what has happened. Raised . . . among the Jews of the world . . . the movement known as Zionism is that antidote.

Zionism is creation, revival; socialism is destruction, corruption.

Zionism is peace; socialism is enmity. . . .

Zionism is the unification of the whole of Jewry; socialism is the struggle of one class against another.

Zionism needs a modern system [i.e., capitalism—Y.I.]; socialism raises its sword against this system. . . . Socialism blocks the path to Zionism. Hence, Zionism and socialism are not merely two mutually repellent poles, but two elements, one completely ruling out the other. Zionism is needed wherever there are Jews, and it is essential where there is ferment in the minds of the Jews."

"That is precisely what the Jewish problem amounts to: assimilation or isolation?—and the idea of Jewish 'nationality' is definitely reactionary not only when expounded by its consistent advocates (the Zionists), but likewise on the lips of those who try to combine it with the ideas of Social-Democracy (the Bundists). . . .

Karl Kautsky, in particular reference to the Russian Jews, expresses himself ever more vigorously. Hostility towards non-native sections of the population can only be eliminated when the non-native sections of the population cease to be alien and blend with the general mass of the population. That is the only possible solution of the Jewish problem, and we should support everything that makes >for the ending of Jewish isolation.' Yet the Bund is resisting this only possible solution for it is helping, not to end but to increase and legitimize Jewish isolation. . . ." (V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 7, p. 101.)

With his usual bluntness (now the object of great concern to his adherents) Zionist No.1 disclosed the objectives of "all reactionary forces in Europe," as Lenin indicated, in their efforts to "consolidate the isolation of Jewry."

"All our young people," Herzl wrote,

"who are now between 20 and 30 will sway away from their obscure socialist trends and come to me."

[–]Jesus[S] 2 insightful - 1 fun2 insightful - 0 fun3 insightful - 1 fun -  (15 children)

Here, according to the rules of logic, we have all the links in the chain of Zionist views: Judaist mysticism, the preaching of enmity to one and all, the appeal to reject patriotism, glorification of "exclusiveness" and "racial purity," anti-internationalism and anti-communism.

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Solzhenitsyn does not stint on criticism of pogroms during the Russian civil war time, especially in Ukraine, which changed overlords several times (White Guardists, Ukrainian Independentists, the Kaiser's German troops and Bolsheviks). However, he corrects erroneous historical representations that claim that the pogroms provoked the subsequent acts of revenge by the Cheka:

The sequence of events was exactly the opposite: The 80% [of the Cheka in Kiev who were Jews] had already belonged to the Cheka since 1918 or early 1919, whereas the wave of the " Petlyura pogroms " only began during the year 1919 and the pogroms by the Whites began only in the autumn of that same year.

After "the government of independent Ukraine" and their party leadership had decided on January 11, 1918 to separate their country from Russia, and evacuated Kiev for Shitomir as the Bolsheviks advanced, the very numerous Jews living in Kiev went over immediately to the Reds with their "class terror." When evaluating all the events that followed, it remains essential to remember that public calls for mass murder and "class terror" were issued exclusively by the Bolshevik side.

On February 9, 1918, Germany officially made peace with Ukraine in the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and with Russia on March 3, 1918.

In a supplementary agreement of August 27 of that year, the Bolsheviks recognized the national independence of Ukraine, Finland and the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.

One month of Bolshevik rule had sufficed to release enormous revenge feelings among Ukrainians when, as a consequence of the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, the national government was able to return to its capital, Kiev, in February 1918.

While returning militias composed of farmers and Cossacks seized and shot the "Yid commissars," ironically, it was the German occupation troops who, as Solzhenitsyn says in his The Jews in the Soviet Union, "had an open ear for the needs of the Jewish population in the spring of 1918 in Kiev." 107 Solzhenitsyn adds:

This group was by no means insignificant: in 1919 Jews were 21% of the inhabitants of Kiev. The Zionists were able to be active without hindrance under the hetman [head of the Ukrainian national government]; they held an election for their own provisional "Jewish national assembly" and a Jewish national secretariat.

Under German occupation the Ukrainian government not only appointed a Jew as a government minister, but also granted unfettered political freedom to the Jewish homeland movement. It was only after the departure of German troops and the return of the Simon Vasilyevich Petlyura directorate from Vinnitsa to Kiev in December 1918 that a "civil war"like situation arose against the Jews.

Solzhenitsyn adds, "the Jews were blamed for all the victories of the Bolsheviks."

The excesses against Ukrainian Jews under the Petlyura government (Solzhenitsyn mentions an abundance of place names and dates) caused not only terror and mass flight, but also a stronger movement toward the Bolsheviks.

Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

Between December 1918 and August 1919 combat forces led by Petlyura organized dozens of pogroms, during which, according to data compiled by a commission of the International Red Cross, about 50,000 persons were killed. The largest pogrom took place on February 15, 1919 in Proskurov . . . after a failed Bolshevik attempt to overthrow the local government.

An American researcher attributed this civil war situation less to government policy and more to, as Solzhenitsyn affirms:

"independent reactions by the people themselves and especially the farmers." Armed bands were arbitrarily doing as they pleased in the countryside.

The White Guardists who served under the generals Peter Wrangel and Anthony Denikin had volunteered to help free Russia from the Bolsheviks; they quickly developed a fundamentally anti-Semitic attitude after they realized that Red forces had been commanded by Jewish commissars, although their generals endeavored — often in vain — to prevent excesses by their troops.

The history of the Russian civil war is characterized by the fact that after the Bolsheviks imposed an absolute information blackout toward the outside world, as exclusively as possible all writing on this conflict has been done either by foreign or domestic Jews. As interested parties, both these sources are fundamentally unreliable in the data they furnish. Therefore it is extraordinarily difficult if not impossible to ascertain exact numbers and the circumstances. Accordingly, victim numbers from the pogroms during the Russian civil war vary between 70,000 and 200,000.

There were supposedly 900 mass pogroms, 40% carried out by Petlyura followers under the Ukrainian Directorate, 25% by Ukrainian gangs, 17% by enlisted soldiers under General Denikin and 8.5% by the First Cavalry Army of the Bolshevik General Semyon Budyonny.

The Reds committed pogroms against Jews earlier than anyone else In the first winter of Bolshevik rule, troops fighting under the red banner committed a number of bloody pogroms, of which those in Ukraine in Glukhov and Novgorod Seversky particularly stood out because of the large number of victims, the raw and deliberate acts of violence, and the base humiliations perpetrated on those being tormented; as such, they dwarfed even the atrocious pogrom at Kalush [in western Ukraine, by non-Bolshevik Russian army troops in July 1917]. .. . Units of the Red Army who were retreating from Ukraine in spring 1918 carried out pogroms with the battle call: "Smash the Yids and the bourgeoisie!"

Particularly cruel pogroms were perpetrated by the First Cavalry Army while retreating from Poland at the end of August 1920. In the vast spaces of Russia, in the beginning the Reds had no idea who were the virtuous poor and the evil rich.

Solzhenitsyn again is quoted from The Jews in the Soviet Union:

Their path was marked by thousands of killed Jews, thousands of raped women and dozens of Jewish localities in which everything was robbed that was not riveted or nailed down. ... In Zhitomir, Ukraine every new conqueror of the city as it changed hands inaugurated his rule with a pogrom. All these pogroms — whether done by Petlyura, the Poles or the Soviets — were distinguished by a considerable number of killings.

The total number of pogrom victims from the civil war of 1917-1923 is likely "not under 100,000."

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Considerable Fluctuation Movements in the 20th Century

Solzhenitsyn assigned special importance to the Soviet Jewish migration during the 1920s from their rural domiciles into the large cities of Russia. Only this made possible their intensified collaboration in the power centers of the new regime. According to Solzhenitsyn in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

The "great exodus" of the Jewish population into the large cities began for several reasons in the earliest years of communist power. Some Jewish authors give these concise descriptions: "Thousands of Jews streamed out of the shtetls and a few cities in the south toward Moscow, Petrograd and Kiev, toward 'a real life.' . . . Starting in 1917 the Jews moved in hordes to Leningrad and Moscow" The Jewish Encyclopedia gives the following numbers: "Hundreds of thousands of Jews moved to Moscow, Leningrad and into other large urban centers. ... In 1920 there lived in Moscow about 28,000 Jews, in 1923 about 86,000, in 1926, according to the Soviet Census, about 131,000, and in 1933 about 226,000."

Jewish-communist authors wrote of about 1 million Jewish settlers in the central cities of the new regime, and that in 1923 "nearly 50% of the entire Jewish population of Ukraine" had moved into the large cities, also into the Russian Federation, into the Transcaucasus region and into Central Asia. Every fifth settler landed in Moscow"

This migration was unleashed not only by the enthusiasm of those Jews for Bolshevism, but certainly also for reasons of simple survival. Because under the Leninist and Trotskyite policy of "war communism," all private business was forbidden, the craftsman was limited in his activity and a new category was created, "persons without rights." Jews too were affected by all this.

Whoever therefore had not struck firm economical roots made sure he vanished into the anonymity of the large cities to follow the new privileged class. Five-sixths of Soviet Jews "selected this path and landed positions in the communist administration and organizations. On the national level, the average percentage of Jews in the communist apparatus in 1925-1926, according to official data, was six times higher than their share of the population."

A Jewish man by the name of Joseph Bikerman wrote in 1923 of his great concern concerning his ethnic countrymen:

The Jew is now to be found everywhere at every level. The Russian sees him at all points: at the top of the heap in the ancient capital of Moscow and in the other capital on the Neva [St. Petersburg] as well as in the Red Army. . . . Russian people see the Jews now in the function of both judge and executioner. He finds Jews at every step and turn, Jews who are not communists but were just as poor as he still is, but who now have the last word and are advancing Soviet power.

This development was furthered from the beginning of the revolution by its merciless fight against the bourgeoisie the aristocrats, government officials and military officers under the czar, and the entire Russian intelligentsia [educated class], which persecution went so far as denying any entrance into higher education to their children. Thus the Jews created for themselves a huge privilege: Since this subpopulation "was persecuted under the czarist government," it obtained — even for its own bourgeoisie — unrestricted acceptance into universities, and this ensured that they were qualified thereafter for executive functions within all the activities of the state. The Russian proletarian intellectuals lost out to a large extent. The Jewish Encyclopedia admits:

Now that there were no more restrictions according to ethnicity for admission to the universities, ... in the academic year 1926/27 Jews constituted 15.4% of all the students in the USSR, a portion nearly twice as high as that of the Jews in the entire urban population of the country.

This encyclopedia avoided comparing this percentage to the 1.7-1.8% of Jew in the overall Soviet population.

Many Jews consoled themselves with the idea that instead of taking the dangerous and strenuous road of Zionism with Theodor Herzl and Ze'ev (Vladimir) Jabotinsky they could, as Solzhenitsyn puts it, "rather immediately get a backbone in Russia, and not just an equal footing, but become a privileged nation."

It is noteworthy that their activism for Bolshevism, with all its consolations, as they recognized and admitted early on, "granted them privileged status," and they claimed this for themselves and their brethren for then and for the future as something natural. Equal rights with others were not to their taste; there had to be privileges. Lenin had provided these to them, but Stalin buried all that under his arbitrary rule.

The "privileging" of the Jews brought with it, among other things, the phenomenon that, as Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

[I]ncessantly, Jewish relatives streamed into proximity with those who had posts in the power structure of Bolshevism and concomitantly all advantages in practical life, particularly in the capitals with their many apartments and houses from which the owners had fled.

Participation in the Red Army

The founders of the Red Army in 1918 were Leon Trotsky, E.M. Sklyansky and Jacob Sverdlov. Their religion and ethnicity as well as their proletarian class connection ensured that Bolshevik command personnel, from the very beginning, showed to a large extent homogeneous ancestral traits, and these provided a certain guarantee for anti-czarist, anti-Orthodox Christian, and anti-Russian culture and tradition. Not only did many Jews fight in their ranks, but even an all- Jewish Joseph Furman brigade and other special Jewish units were created. Solzhenitsyn tells us:

In the command structure of the Red (worker-and-farmer) Army, Jewish cadres became ever more numerous and more powerful over time, and this continued after the civil war for many long years. Several Jewish authors and encyclopedias have treated the collaboration of Jews inmilitary leadership. The Israeli researcher Aaron Abra-movich created in the 1980s his own detailed lists of names of Jews, based on numerous Soviet publications such as the book Fifty Years of the Armed Forces of the USSR (published by the Soviet Historical Encyclopedia) and a collection "Directives of the Front Commands of the Red Army"; these lists consisted of Jews only who had occupied leading positions in the Red Army, beginning with the civil war and through World War II. 123 By order of Leon Trotsky, front commands were formed with appropriate staffs and new armies, and in nearly all the military revolutionary councils of the front commands and armies, Jews were represented.

Solzhenitsyn cites from various Jewish authors and mentions a long list of the names and functions of Army and division commanders and war commissars with the divisions:

Brigade commanders, brigade commissars, regimental and sectional commanders, directors of political departments, chairmen of military revolutionary tribunals. The proportion of Jews as political officers was particularly high in all branches of the Red Army

An Israeli researcher published statistics on the basis of the data contained in the census of 1926:

"Jewish writers often strive to represent Jewish Chekists as the "purge victims of Stalin " and to minimize their own participation in the 'Red Terror, ' although their role was very important "

Jewish men represented at that time 1.7% of the total male population of the USSR. . . . 2.1% of the officers who fought in actual combat were Jews. . . . 4.4%) in command positions were Jewish. . . . 10.3%) Jews among political officers and 18.6% of the Army surgeons were Jewish.

The Russian Jewish Encyclopedia augments and further describes much data by Abramovich. Thus certain "unusual women" are also named who assumed "command functions " among other things as heads of revolutionary committees, political departments, in Army operational staffs and military sections. Solzhenitsyn reveals his contempt for them, since they were active in implementing the "Red Terror." One of these Furies he describes, Rebecca Plastinina Maisel from the revolutionary committee of the Archangel government, "shot with her own hands 100 human beings . . . and belonged in the 1940s to the highest court of justice of the RSFSR (Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic)."

An Israeli historian confirms that the penetration of the high command structures of the Red Army by Jews, which existed from the beginning, still continued in the 1930s.

They were numerous particularly in the military revolutionary council, in the headquarters of the People's Commissariat for Defense, in the general staff and so forth. The same applies to the military districts, the armies, corps, divisions, brigades and all troop units. From the beginning, Jews occupied high positions in the political agencies. 127

Jewish writers born long after the events often strive to represent Jewish Chekists as the "purge victims of Stalin" and to minimize their own participation in the "Red Terror,"although their role was still very important "even in the 1940s in the enforcement organs, and only in the postwar years, when they fell victim to Stalin's "anti-cosmopolitan" campaign, were their numbers reduced."

While the yearbook Jewish World confesses that during the war "over 100 Jewish generals belonged to the Red Army," and ignores all but 17 "arbitrarily selected names," among them not one infantry general. It lists, "as a bad joke," with those 17 names, the Jewish major general in charge of the technical service of the Gulag, Frenkel Naphtali Aronovich.

A further Jewish anthology confirmed yet more names from the postwar period.

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Solzhenitsyn says in The Jews in the Soviet Union:

Of course, the egregious failure in these works was not to have mentioned the super-general, Levi Mekhlis, who from 1937-1940 was Stalin's closest and most trusted friend and, starting in 1941 again became the head of the PURKKA, the political head office of the Red Worker and Farmer Army. Ten days after the beginning of the war, it was he who had a dozen Soviet generals arrested at the highest levels of the command structure at the western front — to say nothing of his retaliatory actions during the Finnish war and later at Kerch in Ukraine.

Fifteen more names of Jewish generals are added by the Little Jewish Encyclopedia: 1976-2005, Jerusalem, Vol. 1, p. 686). All this, however, is still far exceeded by a more recent Jewish author, who arrived at a total figure of 270 Jewish generals and admirals in the Red Army, which included also those promoted during the war to these ranks. These are not only "not a few" — this number is colossal!

Listed are also four wartime people's commissars: be- sides Kaganovich, also Boris Vannikov (in charge of ammunition manufacturing), Simeon Ginsburg (construction department) and Isaac Salzman (tank production).

In addition, there were some Jewish heads of the military administrations of the Red Army, four army commanders, and the commanders of 23 corps, 72 divisions and 102 brigades. "In no other Allied army, not even in the American, did Jews hold such high positions as they did in the Soviet army," writes Dr. Y. Arad.

To speak of a pushing-out of Jews from high positions of power during the war would be wrong. And in the Soviet everyday life of that time as well, no such displacement became apparent.

The Israeli Encyclopedia confirms that in the USSR, in comparison with other ethnicities, "the Jews represented a disproportionately high portion of higher officers, primarily because among them a much higher percentage consisted of people with a university education."

Y. Arad notes: "During the war, the number of commissars and political workers in the various departments of the army who were Jewish was relatively higher than in other fields of activity."

According to the newspaper Unity of Feb. 24, 1945 (nearly at the end of the war), 63,374 Jews were distinguished with a medal or medals for bravery and heroism in the fight, and 59 Jews became "Heroes of the Soviet Union." Yet by 1963, according to the Yiddish-language newspaper/ me Vaser, "Voice of the People" (Warsaw), 160,772 Jews were awarded a medal or medal, and there were 108 "Heroes of the Soviet Union."

In the beginning of the 1990s, an Israeli author published a list with names and data of recipients of this high award, claiming 135 Jewish "Heroes of the Soviet Union" and 12 Jews who received the "Medal of Fame" in all three categories. The same data is also found in the three-volume work Descriptions of Jewish Heroism.

The newest number of Jews who were distinguished for special achievements in combat with Soviet medals is, however, 123, 822. 136 But this is not all. Solzhenitsyn says:

Many Jews dedicated themselves to the construction of all kinds of weapons and war technology, tool-making, aircraft, tank and ship construction, scientific research, the building and the development of industrial enterprises, power supply, metal production and transportation. For work for the front 180,000 Jews received decorations Two hundred of them received the Order of Lenin.

Joachim Hoffmann supplements this enumeration:

"Major General Abakumov, who had surrounded himself with a whole group of Jewish collaborators, was a close and trusted friend of Beria; Abakumov was described by the NKVD's General Sudoplatov as 'a Jew by birth.' He was one of the chief executives responsible for the tremendous crimes of the NKVD/MVD. General Reichmann of the NKVD was praised by Etchov in the 1930s while head of the Kharkov administrative area of the NKVD, was infamous for his special brutality. In 1940 he played a key role in the Katyn shooting of the Polish officers who were prisoners of war.

Twice decorated "Hero of the Soviet Union," Army General Ivan Danilovich Chernyakhovsky, as the commander-in-chief of the Belarussian front, was responsible for atrocities against the civilian population and German prisoners of war in East Prussia. The list could go on and on and on.


Born Herschel Yehuda, as early as 1920 he was already in the Presidium alongside Cheka director Felix Dzherzhinsky. By 1924 he was a leader of the Cheka and the GPU. Between 1 934 and 1 936 he was the People's Commissar of the Interior. One of his famous quotes was: "The bullet is the very best means of struggle against the class enemy!" His hated "class enemies" were the medium and large farmers (the "kulaks") and also "suspicious ones," "counter-revolutionaries" (Russians, Ukrainians, Caucasians and members of other races). He had arranged for the cadre chiefs on almost all levels of the state organs of enforcement to be vengeance-seeking co-religionists. "They craved revenge, revenge on everyone: on aristocrats, the rich, the Russians— the main thing was revenge." He disposed of "troops for special use," availed himself of bestial methods of overwork and starvation, and exploited the outlaw status of former citizens with assassination and poison. He also counterfeited foreign currencies. On March 15, 1938, after his "confession" in a show trial, the "very best means" of class warfare was inflicted on him on Stalin's order. It was under Yagoda's substantial co-responsibility, and as a consequence of "war communism," that just in the hunger winter of 1921-22, approximately 5 million human beings perished. Over the course of the forced collectivization of agriculture, it was his responsibility as the People's Commissar of the Interior that another 6 million human beings died.

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Levi "Lev" Mekhlis was an early defector from the Zionist Poale Zion to the Central Committee's Organization Bureau, to Stalin's Secretariat as well as to the editorial board of Pravda. He replaced J.B. Gamarnik, who committed suicide on June 1, 1937, as the head and "Army Commissar, First Rank" of the Main Political Administration of the Red Army, where he was responsible for political commissars. Mekhlis was promoted thereafter to first place, representing the People's Commissariat of State Control and was also Deputy People's Commissar for Defense of the Nation. He was the organizer of the terror against the Red Army. As one of very few, this "purge" accomplice survived the Soviet dictator's liquidations, which ripped 35,000 officers (1 937-1 938) out of the Red Army. That was about half of the Soviet officer corps. The navy did not escape unscathed either. The destruction rate rose with the rank of the victim, and attained 80% of colonels and 90% of the generals. Mekhlis' most prominent victim was the deputy people's commissar for defense, Marshal Tukhachevsky. With his battle cry "death to the fascist worms," he ordered the commissar under him in 1941 to murder German prisoners of war. In the New Encyclopedia of Jewry, Bertelsmann Publishing House, Gutersloh-Munich 1992, the perpetrator Levi Mekhlis isn't even mentioned.

Jewish Commissars Were No German Invention

The proofs to which Solzhenitsyn refers for the far above average percentage of Jewish leaders in the Bolshevik terror in comparison with the total population of Russia are almost exclusively taken from Jewish sources. This is a welcome procedure because it extracts him from any credible reproach of "antisemitism" or basic one-sidedness on this subject.

Here we limit ourselves to a selection of Solzhenitsyn 's general conclusions in order to avoid being crushed by the multiplicity of Jewish commissar names and functions, promotions and transfers to new responsibilities:

It is beyond all doubt that in the party called "the Bolsheviks" and in all the other parties that contributed so much to the success of the revolution — the Mensheviks, Social Revolutionaries and others — Jews represented a far higher percentage than their proportion of the population of Russia. . . . References to the lack of civil rights of the Russian Jews before the February Revolution . . . give no exhaustive answer by itself to this phenomenon.

The majority of the Russians, from the simple man from the people to the highest-ranking general, were stunned just to look at all these new orators and leaders of demonstrations and meetings, these persons who now had the final say and abruptly appeared so different from their leaders in former times.

The very trick many of these people used of exchanging their real [Jewish] names with Russian-sounding aliases and thus misleading the citizenry — mostly the Russians — as Solzhenitsyn explains, "greatly vexed them even in the early months after the February Revolution against the Jews. . . . Now a wave of popular anger swept over the Jews."

From Solzhenitsyn 's The Jews in the Soviet Union:

Before our eyes the most primal antisemitism is re-born. . . . One need only listen [in Petrograd] to discussions on the streetcars, in the lines before various businesses or in any of the innumerable spontaneous demonstrations at every intersection The Jews are accused of supremacism in politics, and it is said that they were bringing all the parties and the Soviets under their thumb, even destroying the army. 142 ... It is said even of the Executive Committee in Petrograd that it is infiltrated by Jews.

Even if Solzhenitsyn stresses that the October Revolution should be attributed to Russians as such "despite the over-all guidance by Trotsky" and the energetic assistance of others — since Lenin is considered to be clearly Russian 144 — this does not weaken the details that follow:

Jewish military men played an important role in both the preparation and execution of the armed rebellion of October 1917 in Petrograd and in other cities of the country and also in the final crushing of the mutinies and armed resistance against the new Soviet regime.

The resolution to launch the Bolshevik uprising of Oct. 10, 1917 was made by 12 men, half of whom were Jews: Trotsky (founder of the Red Army), Zinoviev (later chairman of the Communist Internationale, the "Comintern," Kamenev (a member of the CC and the Politburo), Sverdlov (director of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee), Uritsky (commissar of the Extraordinary Staff of the Petrograd military district, murdered shortly thereafter) and Sokolnikov. In the Politburo that was soon to be elected they were reunited, with the exception of Sverdlov and Uritsky.

The "Jewish question" ranked ten times higher than issues affecting farmers even at this first congress [of the Soviets on October 27, 1917], which was supposed to be a congress of workers and deputies of the peasants, and which had issued various decrees about peace and land.