The Polish government is probably completely unreformable on this issue. These are the people who are still fighting wars that ended a long time ago. This may be a bit surprising, but it seems that in the European forum PiS feels quite well in its isolation, immersed in conflicts.

Meanwhile, the war in Ukraine, shifting of accents in Europe, the emergence of such a large threat in our part of the continent means that Poland could start to play the role of a key third force in the EU, alongside Germany and France. That was exactly the ambition of the government. But it seems not to see that opportunity at all. And this is the moment. This is the chance to be taken or missed.

And this is the choice that PiS stands. Will he really continue to wage war on two fronts, both with his allies and enemies? Europe is entering a phase of profound change. Strong, constructive, critical and truly visionary voices are needed. It is no longer possible to act as before. Something that worked in times of peace will not work during the war. Constructive criticism is very much needed by the Union. But in order for criticism to be constructive, it is necessary to believe in the European idea.

Listening to the statements of PiS politicians, e.g. the recent comments of PiS MEP Zdzisław Krasnodębski, who stated at the end of August on TV Republika that the “threat to our sovereignty” from the West is greater than from the East, I have no hope of the constructive participation of the people of Law and Justice in the debate on the future of Europe.

Unfortunately, the war has not changed the fact that we are still functioning in conditions of absolute political trivalence. There are still the principles of identity policy. Who you are is decided by who you hate. PiS will use these narratives as long as they are effective. And maybe even longer.

But it will not be easy for PiS to win this election. The main challenge of this election campaign will be that it will continue in difficult times. PiS will argue that all problems result from external factors – this is, of course, already happening. The blame will be the opposition, Russia, Brussels, Germany, Donald Tusk. But finding the culprit will not solve the real economic problems faced by Polish women and Poles.

How should democratic parties build their narratives? The Polish opposition is still looking for a way for this election and probably does not want to share the fate of the united opposition in Hungary, which lost to the Kretes in April. How to put a counter-attack on such low instincts and emotions the PiS narrative, which denies people Polishness, and some of the opposition considers it traitors to the nation and foreign agents?

Building on fear, resentment, hatred, complexes, exclusions is really easy. But perhaps the worst thing that a democratic camp in Poland may want to do is also to play fear. Not everyone can win elections by scaring the end of the world and the breakup of everything. Maybe people have had enough of it? Maybe this narrative has been brought to such an absurdity that there is again a place in politics for positive identities? Viktor Orban w towarzystwie partyjnych kolegów cieszy się ze zwycięstwa.

Maybe it is worth convincing people that times are difficult, but we are not vulnerable in this situation? That together we are able to survive this crisis, as we have already survived many? Part of the Polish electorate are people who have a great sense of efficiency, to whom the story of victims who get up from their knees, because they simply do not feel the victims, nor do they perceive Poland in this way.

Certainly, there is still a need to be built around clear values: conservative, liberal, social, etc. The divisions must be clear. Clear positions need to be taken. There are also very important generational topics to address: issues of social inequalities, social justice.

I also believe that a democratic camp should not give up the issue of patriotism. This is not a topic to be let go. The democratic camp cannot pin patches foreign agents, opponents of Polishness. This narrative is absurd. He must show that he loves Poland, he cares about Poland, that Poland is important to him.

Maybe in opposition to the PiS narrative, it is worth reaching for the idea that Poland’s national interest is to defend the integrity of Europe, and not fight it?

The narrative of the Polish right on the European Union is very narrow. Polish public opinion practically does not know what is happening in Europe, because what PiS shares is either very rudimental or completely detached from reality. This is a great space for development, because PiS does not compete in these topics at all. There are very important discussions in the European Union today: does Europe need a common armed force? Do we need a treaty reform? What and how quickly will it be taken towards the Western Balkan countries? How to support yourself in an accelerated energy transition process? The need for cooperation in Europe has never been greater. Where is Poland in these discussions?

In my opinion, it is also worth referring to the sense of pride and self-confidence of Poles. But not the pride of those who, despite the beave, get up from the knees, but those who know that Poland is not a victim of integration, but is one of the winners of the processes that have been going on in Europe for 30 years. Poland, as a country that has its own voice, articulates its interests from the position of someone who knows that it has the full right to do so. Many Eurosceptic arguments about EU problems need to be addressed because it is not sucked from the finger. But this can be dealt with constructively.

Ivan Krasyv, Bulgarian political scientist, philosopher of politics and publicist. He graduated from Sophia University. He is the founder and head of the Institute of the Liberal Strategy Centre in Sofia and co-founder of the European think tank European Council on Foreign Relations. Associated with the Institute of Human Sciences in Vienna. He studied anti-Americanism, populism and the crisis of democracy. In Poland, his books appear mainly by the Political Criticism Publishing House: “Democracy of the distrustful. Political Espasses” (2013), “Democracy: We apology for the faults” (2015), “How about Europe?” (2018) and “Light that has gone out. How the West Failed Its Others (2020).”